Steffen Mau, The Metric Society: On the Quantification of the Social (2019)
The Measurement of Social Value
By 'the quantification of the social', I mean that we are both
complicit
in and
witness
to a trend whereby social phenomena are increasingly measured, described and influenced by numbers. Interestingly, the German word for 'measure' (vermessen) has three distinct meanings, each of which will play a central role in this book. the first meaning denotes an action performed in order to make a quantitative statement about an object by comparing it with an
established stan
d
ard
(a dictionary definition gives: 'to ascertain the precise dimensions of something').
The
second
meaning
- and here the German language provides a telling hint - is to 'mismeasure', or measure
incorrectly
. In other words, the process used to measure the object in question (systematically) produces mistakes
glitches??
, and the results do not reflect reality. Thirdly, vermessen can be used in an adjectival sense to mean 'inappropriate' or even 'presumptious', which raises the critical question of where to draw the line between 'good' and 'bad' measurements.
Taken together, these three meanings provide a triangular framework within which this book proposes to consider the issue of social quantification. Its aspiration extends beyond the mechanics of measurement itself, however, as I am less concerned with measuring techniques and errors, or the calibration of measuring technologies, than with the question of how the quantification of the social leads to new forms of
social organization
. My starting observation is that of a rapidly growing tendency to quantify the social world, accompanied by changes in the assignment of worth which are then translated into
new hierarchies.
Quantified measurements institutionalize certain ‘orders of worth’ which provide us with benchmarks and justifications for viewing and evaluating things in a particular way. They tell us which activities, achievements or qualities have a high ‘value’ and which do not, thereby establishing specific normative principles (Boltanski & Chiapello 2005; Boltanski & Thévenot 2006). Through quantification, classificatory processes of definition, evaluation and categorization are imposed in which the worth status of a person or thing is expressed in numbers. The use of new indicators, data and numerical notations to identify, describe and evaluate the self is gradually transforming the social society into a metric one. Data make visible and define who we are, where we stand, how we are seen by others, and what our
expectations
should be.
The process of quantification is by no means a new social phenomenon. Its history dates back several
millennia
, to the early days of counting and the spread of mathematical knowledge. At first, the exploration of the world through numbers was the
preserve of a small elite.
Science, as a specific
practice of rationalization
, has of course shaped and developed the language of numbers from the outset. The rise of modern statehood and the expansion of markets and capitalist economics brought about a massive surge in the use of numbers in everyday economic, political and social practices. The availability of figures in the form of official statistics made possible techniques of governance which
replaced the sacred with objectivity and rationality.
On the markets, the spread of ‘calculative practices’ (Vormbusch 2012) – as in bookkeeping and accounting, or the standardization of measurements and conversions – led to the emergence of a particular kind of economics and trade.
In the following, I aim to show that, although the state and markets were important starting points for the expansion of calculative practices, the language of numbers has since become universalized to a degree that far transcends both these domains and that of science. A new ‘quantitative mentality’ (Porter 1996: 118) has arisen, with profound implications for our social environment. This
mentality
accords numbers an almost a
uratic
*
pre-eminence
when it comes to identifying social phenomena, and is now leading to an ever-widening reliance on
all things numeric
. Everything can, should or must be measured –
nothing seems to be possible without numbers any more
. Social semantics, in the sense of how society observes and describes itself, draws increasingly on the measurable side of the world, and of life in general. Of course, this shift is part of a long tradition of rationalization efforts aimed at organizing social and economic life according to the
principles of efficiency and predictability.
But that’s not the whole story.
In the context of new forms of governance, a regime of control and evaluation has emerged which is based on the acquisition and processing of data and whose objective is
performance enhancement
, capitalization and competition in very diverse domains; this regime operates via targets, performance indicators
kpi
and incentive systems which require growing volumes of data to be produced and used for evaluation purposes. Qualitative methods of assessment based on specifics are being replaced by quantitative-style evaluations and measurements. To put it another way, the logic of optimization and performance enhancement which neoliberalism has imposed on every conceivable aspect of life is leading to a straightforward battle for the best figures. Moreover, the more figures are produced, and the more advanced the methods of data collection and processing become, the easier it is to embed the standards for performance and self-improvement within the social fabric. Now that data have evolved into the reserve currency of digitalized society, there are scarcely any natural boundaries left to halt this process. It is, in effect, infinite.
∞
What does quantification mean?
First, let us consider the question of what quantification actually means, and what it
does
. In general terms, quantification entails an act of
translation
: it expresses phenomena, characteristics or states of affairs in a general, abstract and universally accessible language – that of mathematics. This can be done by measurement or by transforming qualitative
judgements
, insights and observations into numeric values. Quantification reduces a complex and confusing world to the standardized language of numbers, in which there are clear proportional relations between large and small (or more and less). Of course, there are different ways of talking about and understanding observed phenomena, but by assigning a number to the thing observed, we take a step towards objectivizing it. Numbers, in short, are associated with precision, one-to-one correspondence, simplification, verifiability and neutrality. As such, they are tailor-made for a prominent role in societies that regard themselves as rational and enlightened. Quantification often goes hand in hand with the existence of *transparent* and systematic operations for translating a social phenomenon into numbers. Key to the use of indicators or data series is that they should meet certain
quality criteria
and be largely
independent
of whoever generates them. Results are expected to be determined by processes, not people – an approach that echoes scientific practice. At the same time, the quantification of social phenomena is a process of ‘
disembedding
’ which deliberately strips away local knowledge and the context of social practices in order to obtain more abstract information that can be recombined and amalgamated with information from other sources.
transparent on some measurement but not in what the end result means
transparency as guise for neutrality
"research shows"
state transparency without going to the substance
Without the presumption that statistical data are produced in a controlled manner and not merely arbitrary, they would be of little use. All numbers deployed in public discourse require a leap of faith – they have to be accepted as correct in order to exert their cold
charisma
. Numbers that no-one believes in have no value in social communication. For this reason, societies go to great lengths to place self-quantification data on a secure footing, for example by introducing comprehensive legislation on statistical affairs, creating statistics authorities, participating in international data-based monitoring systems or developing standardized reporting systems in virtually every social subdomain. A country whose statistics don’t add up and which makes political decisions on the basis of incorrect or inadequate data can easily fall into disrepute among both its own population and the international community, as the Greeks:)
ancient greeks?
know all too well. Numbers are expected to be accurate – whatever that may mean.
This is not to say that numbers are free from any kind of
bias
: quite the contrary. Ever since numbers and indicators have featured in public and political discourse, they have also been battled over by interested parties. The GDP (Lepenies 2016), the unemployment rate, the public debt, the schwarze Null [balanced public finances] (Haffert 2016) – all these are
contested key indicators
, capable of triggering public anger, economic downturns, political highs or even social crises, and politicians are therefore well advised to pay close attention to them, from agreeing on suitable measuring concepts through deciding on presentation and publication frequency to discussing the political consequences of a given set of statistics.
covid situation.. regions and states tweaking data constantly..
The politics of indicators works best when,
in the perception of the public
, t
he theoretical construct and the indicator are seen as one
. This would be the case, for instance, if our concept of intelligence coincided exactly with the faculty measured by intelligence tests.* Or if our notion of human development matched the criteria of the Human Development Index, which takes into account only life expectancy, education and per capita GDP – a woefully inadequate measure from an empirical perspective.
->
https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-economization-of-life
Numbers offer an (often very convincing) answer to our need for objectivity, relevance and rationalization. Although they abstract from concrete social contexts, they are more than mere mathematics. Underpinning them are value assignment processes that give numbers their meaning in the first place. Quantifications can thus be regarded as manifest forms of worth assignment, which is why it is not only the act of quantifying itself that matters, but how it is done and by whom. ‘Statistics’, according to Bettina Heintz, ‘claim to demonstrate a reality which exists outside of them and is rendered visible by them. In truth, however, they are not copies of a pre-existing reality, but selective constructions which are partly responsible for creating that reality*. The objectivity of numbers is therefore not a fact, but an
attribution
’* (2010: 170).
This view of quantification leads us inevitably to consider the social processes involved in establishing the numerical medium. Unlike price signals on markets, which serve to link supply and demand, the metrics of social worth, merit or performance need to be understood primarily as social and cultural premises. All numbers contain inherent preconceptions as to what is relevant, valuable or authoritative (Espeland & Stevens 1998; Verran 2013). Data
tell us
how to look at things, thereby
systematically excluding other perspectives
. In other words, the use of numbers always represents a ‘particular form of value assignment’ (Vormbusch 2012: 24). What constitutes a good education*, what efficient government means, what type of performance counts – all this is not only expressed, but socially instilled and institutionalized, by data. Numbers safeguard a particular order of worth and help anchor it in society by their very existence. As such, there is a close correlation between value estimation in the context of quantification and esteem in the sense of social recognition
**
.
..."the outsourccing of human decision is, at once, in the insourcing of coded inequity." From Race After Technology by Ruha Ben
jamin
assessment
approached in qualitative manner than made quantitative.. request from the institution
** cf The goods of work (other than money!) Anca Gheaus and Lisa Herzog
re work (in myanalytics) as collaboration / focus time and not wellbeing
movement that try to focus on progress, about how much formation of abilities happens
uni system based on an antiquated model of gaining credits
job market and how that influenced the re-organization of credits
abolish credit system > value / measure?
in THUAS formative assessment. feedback on the work, in a non-measured way
it's not what really counts in the end.
peer assessment / sharing work with classmates, discuss it etc.
in the end the grade makes these other forms irrelevant.
opportunity to question what type of innovation we want.
assess a quality of a technology that is not yet there?!
what semantics do to discourse
if innovation is good we must innovating , a tool is good as it adheres to that notion of innovation
what are the responsibilities of the innovators within the society
an
d
what role education can/should have in that
different funding : not just venture capital, for example vaccines and other forms of 'innovation' comes from public funding
book: the smart enough city
what are the things that we want to leave unmeasured?
even protect from measurment
__NOMEASURE__
what do we want to make more efficient?